Teachers in Hossana said that, when they refused to be swayed, the government delegate essentially threatened them, concluding the discussion by saying, "we will meet again. A teacher at Sendafa, who has already been arrested, threatened, and transferred away from his family over the past five years, said that during the workshop he attended district officials warned him yet again to stop working for the old ETA. In the [mandatory government workshop] they said that all civil servants are employed at the will of the government and the ruling party.
Fasil Eshetu, a former teacher, enumerated the means he had seen the government use to harass teachers, including himself, who criticize government policy:. Teachers are expected to applaud. To be blacklisted includes not getting promoted, not getting a salary increase, being transferred to remote areas, being transferred away from your family, having your salary docked, losing your housing, getting fired, and even being excluded from social events like weddings.
A teacher in Addis Ababa told Human Rights Watch that he has been a victim of similar government harassment on and off for the twenty-eight years he has been teaching. Most recently, he was denied an annual salary increase in He has been transferred from school to school, denied salary, and threatened over the past four years. Civil service officials tried to force him to resign in One of their major complaints is that students must now take an exam after tenth grade to determine whether they can continue on an academic track or will be relegated to as yet undeveloped vocational training programs.
They and many other teachers are also concerned that classes, many of which are already much larger than the regulation fifty students per class, are slated to become larger still. The Addis Ababa based teacher said he has seen reports of many more teachers being arrested in rural areas than in the capital.
He has not been arrested. Teachers in Sendafa said high school students were also predictably angry about the tenth grade examination that was now to determine who could continue on to twelfth grade and thus to tertiary education.
One teacher estimated that only some 10 percent had passed the test in He and the other teachers said that students and teachers alike had only "mumbled" their criticism of the policy.
Not only the students. We teachers, too. Teachers interviewed for this report said they were especially frustrated that the government had not consulted them in developing education policies. But they are afraid to criticize too openly as others paid a heavy price for such criticism in the past, such as when the government mandated that the language of instruction would be the major language of each regional state rather than Amharic. Fasil, who taught in Hossana from to and has now been granted asylum in Canada, was one of the teachers who complained.
At this point an Opel police automobile with a siren which was following Ato Assefa from a close range drove nearer and a policeman at the back seat fired a volley of shots at him with an automatic gun. Ato Assefa died instantly. Neither the policemen on the pick-up nor those in the Opel automobile ordered Ato Assefa to stop. When Ato Assefa fell dead, the Opel automobile drove straight ahead without stopping.
Then six policemen on the pick-up got off their vehicle and blocked the road in both directions. Soon a police Land Rover brought four more policemen, dropped them and drove back. The 10 policemen too climbed their Toyota and followed the car carrying the corpse.
Twenty-five minutes after Ato Assefa was killed at a. It was at p. The police stood guard at the office the whole night. The next day ETA leaders and staff were denied access to their office. The government continued to arbitrarily detain hundreds of civilians in remote regions where separatist dissident groups operated.
The fundamentalist group continued, however, to claim responsibility for a campaign of bombings of hotels and restaurants, among other civilian targets, in the capital and other cities. The government arrested dozens of ethnic Somalis on suspicion of membership in Al Ithad. In early November, the government accused prominent members of the Oromo community of involvement in bombings in the capital and elsewhere and of OLF membership.
As of this writing, at least fifteen remained in detention without charge in the police Central Investigation Bureau. Those detained for their suspected sympathy for rebel groups were usually held in unofficial detention centers, such as the premises of peasant associations, or army camps.
Torture and ill-treatment, at the hands of members of rural militias attached to the governing coalition and other security forces, were common. Political killings by state agents were also reported, mostly in areas remote from the capital.
The absence of effective judicial oversight and the restriction of the work of most rights monitoring groups to the capital has meant most of those suffering abuse have had no recourse to legal remedy or to public denunciation.
The government kept the officials of regional parties and local governments on a short leash, through a system of quarterly assessments by subordinates, known as Gimgamas , whereby soldiers evaluated their commanders in a process the TPLF believed to have improved the military performance of the Front. In mid-August, the regional council of Gambella Region "endorsed" a proposal, presumably by the regional party, to detain the top four officials in the deposed state's government.
The government often accused the purged officials of corruption or of manifesting "narrow nationalism," a reference to their suspected sympathy for dissident groups. The government's attempts to silence the boisterous Addis Ababa private press continued, but detentions were shorter than in the past. Six journalists were serving prison sentences handed down under the press law for articles they had published.
Fourteen other journalists faced similar charges. High levels of bail were set relative to journalists' incomes, an economic punishment that was effective in inducing the media to exercise self-censorship rather than face further arrests. The government also sought to extend the application of the press law to international correspondents resident in or visiting the country, whose coverage had largely escaped censorship in the past.
The Ministry of Information sent guidelines to foreign correspondents in early June, requiring resident correspondents to obtain annually renewable work permits and to respect the "laws of the country, its culture, and its traditions. What the new leaders termed "normalization" followed a protracted confrontation with its elected leadership that started in October At the time, CETU's chairman publicly criticized the negative impact of the government's structural adjustment program on public sector workers, the majority of unionized workers in the country.
Destabilizing tactics were used against two of nine federations which remained loyal to the previous leadership. The Federation of Commerce, Technical, and Printing Industries, a group of EPRDF loyalists called in the police on November 4, to support its claim to lead the federation and to eject the previous team from the union's premises. Its largest and most influential union, that of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, became the target of pressure such as the freezing of its bank account in April and the disruption of its meetings.
EPLex Employment protection legislation database. Previous examination of the case B. New allegations and additional information C. The Government's further reply D.
The Committee's conclusions The Committee's recommendations Annex 1.
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